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Завдання до теми
1. Прослуховування фрагментів виступу прем’єр-міністра Великої Британії Тоні Блера у Президентській бібліотеці Джорджа Буша 7 квітня 2002 року (тренувальний комплекс № 2). Завдання – зрозуміти сутність промови, її загальну тематику.
2. Аналіз специфіки мови та стилістичних особливостей виступу: ораторське мистецтво Тоні Блера, метафоричність мови, мовні відмінності британського варіанта англійської мови.
3. Прослуховування виступу з текстом англійською мовою. Розмітка тексту (паузи, тональність).
4. Повторювання тексту за оратором, намагаючись копіювати інтонацію мовця.
5. Розпізнавання рекомендованої лексики у мові. Завдання – знайти та записати англійські еквіваленти, вивчити рекомендовану лексику.
6. Засвоєння лексики у мові.
7. Переклад інтерв’ю, спираючись на стенограму його запису.
8. Переклад інтерв’ю на слух без тексту, спочатку послідовно, потім синхронно.
Fortunately, in this case, the world stood firm. America took the lead, but it led a coalition of extraordinarily wide international proportions. Countries queued up to help. We acted with care, under the clear and courageous leadership of President Bush.
The Taliban are gone as a government. Al Qaida's network has been destroyed in Afghanistan, though without doubt a residual capability remains and we should still be immensely vigilant. The Afghan people feel liberated not oppressed and have at least a chance of a better future. But I want to give this warning.
There is a real danger we forget the lessons of September 11. Human beings recover from tragedy and the memory becomes less fraught. That is a healthy part of living. But we should learn from our experience. The most obvious lesson is indeed our interdependence.
For a time our world stood still. Quite apart from our security, the shock impacted on economic confidence, on business, on trade and it is only now with the terrorist network on the run, that confidence is really returning. Every nation in the world felt the reverberation of that fateful day. And that has been well illustrated by the role which the United Nations - under Kofi Annan's excellent leadership - has played since September 11.
So if we didn't know it before, we know now: these events and our response to them shape the fate not of one nation but of one world. There is no escape from facing them and dealing with them. But what are the policy positions that should guide us in doing so?
First, the world works better when the US and the EU stand together. There will be issues that divide - issues of trade, most recently over steel, for example. But on the big security issues, the common interests dwarf the divide. Forget the talk of anti Americanism in Europe. Yes, if you call a demonstration, you will get the slogans and the insults. But people know Europe needs America and I believe America needs Europe too.
We have so many shared values. We are strong democracies. If we stand together, no one else feels they can play us off against each other. Complaining about each other is fashionable in some circles. But the only people really rejoicing at a falling out, are the bad guys.
Together, we can forge a new relationship with President Putin's Russia. He is in my view a bold and immensely capable leader, moving his country into a new and co-operative partnership with us. NATO is the cornerstone of the transatlantic US/EU relationship. Now we envisage a new Russia/NATO relationship where certain questions are determined at 20, by the 19 NATO members and Russia. In Afghanistan we worked with Russia in a way that would have had the old hands of the Cold War days frozen in disbelief. But the truth is Russia today has as much interest in defeating terrorism as we have.
In our different ways, but compatibly, we can develop relations with China and India, two nations about whom the only question is not whether they will be huge powers in the world, but how huge, and how that power will be used. And we both already have strong ties with Japan. We need to use those ties both to encourage Japan towards vital economic and structural reforms and also to bind the EU, the US and Asia closer together.
It is fascinating too, to see both the US and the EU strengthening enormously their political as well as economic links with South America.
The point I am making is simply this. There are no Cold War battles to play to. 'Spheres of influence' is an outdated concept. A series of interlocking alliances with a common agenda on issues of security, trade and stability should replace old rivalries. The international coalition matters. Where it operates, the unintended consequences of action are limited, the diplomatic parameters better fixed. The US and EU together is a precondition of such alliances.
But it needs hard work, dialogue and some mutual understanding. As long as I am British Prime Minister I will work to secure it. Secondly, we must be prepared to act where terrorism or Weapons of Mass Destruction threaten us. The fight against international terrorism is right. We should pursue it vigorously. Not just in Afghanistan but elsewhere. Not just by military means but by disrupting the finances of terrorism, getting at the middle men, the bankrollers of the trade in terror and WMD.
Since September 11 the action has been considerable, in many countries. But there should be no let up. If necessary the action should be military and again, if necessary and justified, it should involve regime change.
I have been involved as British Prime Minister in three conflicts involving regime change. Milosevic. The Taliban. And Sierra Leone, where a country of six million people was saved from a murderous group of gangsters who had hijacked the democratically elected government.
Britain is immensely proud of the part our forces have played and with the results but I can honestly say the people most pleased have been the people living under the regime in question. Never forget: they are the true victims. I'll always remember driving through the villages near Freetown in Sierra Leone seeing the people rejoicing - many of them amputees through the brutality from which they had been liberated - and their joy at being free to debate, argue and vote as they wished.
1. Визначте функціональне призначення текстів перекладу.
2. Наведіть власні приклади цільових, тематичних та інформативних висловлювань.
3. У чому полягає перекладацький аналіз в усному перекладі?
Література: [1, с. 108–115; 2, с. 75–96; 3, c. 99–111; 4, c. 57–74]