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The First Stage in Europe






Maimonides' works reached Europe, chiefly in the southwest — Spain and Provence — entering a cultural and social climate very different from the one in which they had been created in Egypt. His authority in Mishneh Torah was impugned Halachikally by Abraham ben David of PosquiIres and Moses ha-Kohen, among others. The Christian Reconquest was proceeding apace in the Iberian peninsula. Mystical tendencies and visionary approaches began to find explicit and strong expression in the developing Kabbalah of Provence and Spain. Jews everywhere were suffering from the impact of the Crusades, with martyrdom (Kiddush ha-Shem) in their wake. Maimonides' grandiose attempt at a synthesis between the Jewish faith and Greek-Arabic Aristotelian philosophy was received with enthusiasm in some circles, mainly of the upper strata of Jewish society, and with horror and dismay in others, imbued with mysticism and dreading the effects of Greek thought on Jewish beliefs. The old and continuously smoldering issue of " Athens versus Jerusalem" conceived in the Talmud as the problem of Chochhma Yevanit (Bava Kama 82b–83a, Megillah 9a–b), now burst into flames. Essentially the problem is one of the possible synthesis or the absolute antithesis between monotheistic revealed faith and intellectually formulated philosophy. This problem is interwoven in the great monotheistic religions with the clash between rationalistic religious belief, inclining in the main toward synthesis, and mystic belief, which is largely opposed to it.

The problem was not new in Judaism. In Islamic countries in the tenth century it was in the main decided in favor of rationalism and synthesis. Maimonides was not the only one in the 12th century who expressly sought a synthesis between Greek philosophy and Judaism, a philosophic approach was attempted by Abraham ibn Daud, and he was preceded by Saadiah Gaon and Samuel ben Hophni who denied the historical veracity of the incident of Samuel and the Witch of Endor.

Yet in that same century changes were taking place. The influence of the Christian environment became more pervasive. Increasingly Christianity was involved in similar problems, as the conflict between Peter Abelard and Bernard of Clairvaux clearly shows. Social upheavals in Jewish society during the 12th and 13th centuries added communal tension to the spiritual strife. When Maimonides was still young, most of his work as yet unwritten, Judah Halevi warned: " Turn aside from mines and pitfalls. Let not Greek wisdom tempt you, for it bears flowers only and no fruit... Listen to the confused words of her sages built on the void... Why should I search for bypaths, and complicated ones at that, and leave the main road? " (from his poem beginning " Devarecha be-Mor Over Rekuhim").

This opposition hardened and developed with the passage of time. Against it stood the rationalistic attitude of the upper circles. Meir ben Todros ha-Levi Abulafia, in many respects a sincere admirer of Maimonides, was shocked at the implication that Maimonides did not affirm the resurrection of the body as a Halachik principle. In an angry letter sent to the scholars of Lunel he not only sought to prove by copious quotations the dogmatic truth of bodily resurrection, but also added passionately that if there is no such resurrection, " to what end did the bodies stand watch for their God, did they go in darkness for the sake of their God? If the bodies are not resurrected, where is their hope and where are they to look for it? " Abulafia also attacked Maimonides on other Halachik points. While some of his correspondents agreed with him, others tried to convince him that he had misunderstood the purport of Maimonides' teaching on resurrection, and this latter view was accepted wholeheartedly by the Nasi Sheshet ben Isaac of Saragossa, who in a very radical sense gave expression to Maimonides' rationalism and philosophic synthesis. Writing about 1200, he attacked sharply and derisively what he regarded as the simplicism and materialism of Abulafia's view.

To speak about bodily resurrection is " to bring down our saintly fathers from the highest level — the status of the angels who enjoy divine glory and live forever — to the status of man, through their returning to the impure body which cannot exist except through food and drink, and must end in dust and worms... but the life of wisdom is greater than foolishness, as light is greater than darkness. These notions seem to me like the words of one confused" (ibid., 418). The only correct conception of resurrection, he thought, is the one also accepted by the pagan philosophers. Resurrection means the eternal life of the soul of the sage-philosopher. " If the soul — while still in the body — was yearning for its Creator, subordinating its passion to its reason, [then] when it leaves the body, [it] will attain the highest status, for which it yearned while still in the body, and over it God will emanate of His spirit. This, in the view of the sages, is the resurrection of the dead and the reward of the just at the end of days". All pronouncements in the Bible and the Talmud about bodily resurrection are only for the simple men who constitute the majority of mankind and who understand only material rewards, and the same holds true for the Muslim paradise.

 






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